Showing posts with label Sarah Orne Jewett. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Sarah Orne Jewett. Show all posts

Sunday, May 3, 2026

Farmer Eli’s Vacation

Alice Brown (1857–1948)
From The American Short Story: The Nineteenth Century

Seascape, c. 1885–90, oil on canvas by New Hampshire native Alfred Thompson Bricher (1837–1908). Image courtesy The Dallas Museum of Art.
In 1880, at the age of 23, Alice Brown quit her job as a teacher in New Hampshire. “You teach in a country academy and are humiliated before the big boys who want to be taught bookkeeping,” she later recalled in a “self-interview” issued by her publisher nearly fifty years later. “You don’t know how and haven’t yet learned to live unabashed with your ignorances and brazen them out. . . . [So] you scud off to Boston and into the very odd precincts of the mind where books are written.”

Soon after her arrival in Boston, she joined the staff of the Christian Register, a prominent weekly published by the American Unitarian Association. Five years later, she moved to The Youth’s Companion, perhaps the most successful American magazine for young readers at the time. She later claimed to have faced considerable financial hardship during those early years: “I had my share of bad luck. But nobody amounts to anything if the sailing is always easy.” Nevertheless, both publishing jobs allowed her to hone her writing skills by contributing short anecdotes and filler. Before the end of the decade, she managed to publish her first two novels: Stratford-by-the-Sea, anonymously published in 1884, and Fools of Nature in 1897.

As she related in her self-interview, “since people seem to have a liking for New England stories, you fall into the habit of writing them, perhaps because they are so easy to do. . . . You don’t have to try very hard to remember what country-bred men and women are likely to feel.” In the 1880s and early 1890s, a triumvirate of authors—Rose Terry Cooke, Sarah Orne Jewett, Mary E. Wilkins Freeman, all following in the footsteps of Harriet Beecher Stowe—led dozens of up-and-coming authors who submitted to magazines hundreds of “local color” stories set in rural New England. In 1895, somewhat late to the trend, Brown published Meadow-Grass: Tales of New England Life, her first collection of local-color tales set in Tiverton, a fictional locale based on her hometown of Hampton Falls, New Hampshire. Three additional collections would follow during the next fifteen years, by which time Stowe and Cooke were dead, Jewett was no longer publishing, and Freeman had moved on to write lengthy novels created on a larger social canvas.

Inevitably, reviewers and critics would compare Brown’s tales to those of her predecessors. In July 1910, after her fourth story collection appeared, a reviewer in The Nation wrote:
[These tales] have to do with those New England rural types and motives of which of which she long ago proved herself the interpreter. We use the definite article advisedly. Miss Brown’s plan is her own—quite distinct from that inhabited by the fancy of Miss Jewett or Miss Wilkins. No one has a more minute knowledge of the New England dialect and habit of mind; but the merit of Miss Brown’s work does not consist in its realism. On the contrary, she is essentially romantic, and her charm lies in her ability to discern and to convey the romance which underlies the stern New England temperament and the superficially dull village life.
That same month a magazine in England, also called The Nation, employed a similar comparison to offer a contrary view:
While none of her stories can compare with Miss Sarah Orne Jewett’s, whose exquisite naturalness and delicacy of touch has given her a place among the few American classics, for humor and feminine insight Miss Brown may be classed as a successful disciple of Miss Mary Wilkins.
“Farmer Eli’s Vacation,” one of the tales in Brown’s first collection, stands out among the rest, if only because it has appeared in an untold number of anthologies during the last 130 years. In the pages of The Atlantic shortly after the story’s appearance, Charles Miner Thompson extolled the genre of local-color tales and mourned their gradual disappearance from the pages of American magazines. He singled out “Farmer Eli’s Vacation” as a “little masterpiece”:
This unpretentious story has everything that it should have—delicate firmness of construction, simple, vivid style, pathos blent with humor, truth. These qualities unite to make of the somewhat comic homesickness of an old farmer a beautiful symbol of the deep human feeling of attachment to the soil, and of Eli a universal type.

My mind lingers sadly over this story, for it may be the last of its kind.
In 1931, when Brown confessed that she still regretted not having learned Greek, a friend told her that “writing ‘Farmer Eli’s Vacation’ is better than having Greek if it couldn’t be both.” To which Brown responded, “What we do easily we don’t prize. It’s like breathing.”

Dorothea Walker’s 1974 critical study, Alice Brown, is the source for some of the above material, including the excerpts from Brown’s self-interview and the anecdote about her regret over not learning Greek.

Notes: Sir Francis Drake, who circumnavigated the globe, was a seaman, explorer, and privateer for Queen Elizabeth I. His daring attack on Cadiz, Spain, in 1587 was a major victory for the British navy over the Spanish Armada. A visite is a cloak or cape worn by women during the summer.

*   *   *

For this week’s selection, we reproduce the selection, in its entirety, below. You may also download it as a PDF or view it in Google Docs.


Farmer Eli’s Vacation

“It don’t seem as if we ’d really got round to it, does it, father?” asked Mrs. Pike.

The west was paling, and the August insects stirred the air with their crooning chirp. Eli and his wife sat together on the washing-bench outside the back door, waiting for the milk to cool before it should be strained. She was a large, comfortable woman, with an unlined face, and smooth, fine auburn hair; he was spare and somewhat bent, with curly iron-gray locks, growing thin, and crow’s-feet about his deep-set gray eyes. He had been smoking the pipe of twilight contentment, but now he took it out and laid it on the bench beside him, uncrossing his legs and straightening himself, with the air of a man to whom it falls, after long pondering, to take some decisive step.

“No; it don’t seem as if ’twas goin’ to happen,” he owned. “It looked pretty dark to me, all last week. It ’s a good deal of an undertakin’, come to think it all over. I dunno ’s I care about goin’.”

“Why, father! After you ’ve thought about it so many years, an’ Sereno ’s got the tents strapped up, an’ all! You must be crazy!”

“Well,” said the farmer, gently, as he rose and went to carry the milk-pails into the pantry, calling coaxingly, as he did so, “Kitty! kitty! You had your milk? Don’t you joggle, now!” For one eager tabby rose on her hind legs, in purring haste, and hit her nose against the foaming saucer.

Mrs. Pike came ponderously to her feet, and followed, with the heavy, swaying motion of one grown fleshy and rheumatic. She was not in the least concerned about Eli’s change of mood. He was a gentle soul, and she had always been able to guide him in paths of her own choosing. Moreover, the present undertaking was one involving his own good fortune, and she meant to tolerate no foolish scruples which might interfere with its result. For Eli, though he had lived all his life within easy driving distance of the ocean, had never seen it, and ever since his boyhood he had cherished one darling plan,—some day he would go to the shore, and camp out there for a week. This, in his starved imagination, was like a dream of the Acropolis to an artist stricken blind, or as mountain outlines to the dweller in a lonely plain. But the years had flitted past, and the dream never seemed nearer completion. There were always planting, haying, and harvesting to be considered; and though he was fairly prosperous, excursions were foreign to his simple habit of life. But at last, his wife had stepped into the van, and organized an expedition, with all the valor of a Francis Drake.

“Now, don’t you say one word, father,” she had said. “We ’re goin’ down to the beach, Sereno, an’ Hattie, an’ you an’ me, an’ we ’re goin’ to camp out. It ’ll do us all good.”

For days before the date of the excursion, Eli had been solemn and tremulous, as with joy; but now, on the eve of the great event, he shrank back from it, with an undefined notion that it was like death, and that he was not prepared. Next morning, however, when they all rose and took their early breakfast, preparatory to starting at five, he showed no sign of indecision, and even went about his outdoor tasks with an alacrity calculated, as his wife approvingly remarked, to “for’ard the v’y’ge.” He had at last begun to see his way clear, and he looked well satisfied when his daughter Hattie and Sereno, her husband, drove into the yard, in a wagon cheerfully suggestive of a wandering life. The tents and a small hair-trunk were stored in the back, and the horse’s pail swung below.

“Well, father,” called Hattie, her rosy face like a flower under the large shade-hat she had trimmed for the occasion, “guess we ’re goin’ to have a good day!”
He nodded from the window, where he was patiently holding his head high and undergoing strangulation, while his wife, breathing huskily with haste and importance, put on his stock.

“You come in, Hattie, an’ help pack the doughnuts into that lard-pail on the table,” she called. “I guess you ’ll have to take two pails. They ain’t very big.”

At length, the two teams were ready, and Eli mounted to his place, where he looked very slender beside his towering mate. The hired man stood leaning on the pump, chewing a bit of straw, and the cats rubbed against his legs, with tails like banners; they were all impressed by a sense of the unusual.

“Well, good-by, Luke,” Mrs. Pike called, over her shoulder; and Eli gave the man a solemn nod, gathered up the reins, and drove out of the yard. Just outside the gate, he pulled up.

“Whoa!” he called, and Luke lounged forward. “Don’t you forgit them cats! Git up, Doll!” And this time, they were gone.

For the first ten miles of the way, familiar in being the road to market, Eli was placidly cheerful. The sense that he was going to do some strange deed, to step into an unknown country, dropped away from him, and he chatted, in his intermittent, serious fashion, of the crops and the lay of the land.

“Pretty bad job up along here, ain’t it father?” called Sereno, as they passed a sterile pasture where two plodding men and a yoke of oxen were redeeming the soil from its rocky fetters.

“There ’s a good deal o’ pastur’, in some places, that ain’t fit for nothin’ but to hold the world together,” returned Eli; and then he was silent, his eyes fixed on Doll’s eloquent ears, his mouth working a little. For this progress through a less desirable stratum of life caused him to cast a backward glance over his own smooth, middle-aged road.

“We ’ve prospered, ’ain’t we, Maria?” he said, at last; and his wife, unconsciously following his thoughts, in the manner of those who have lived long together, stroked her black silk visite, and answered, with a well-satisfied nod:

“I guess we ’ain’t got no cause to complain.”

The roadside was parched under an August sun; tansy was dust-covered, and ferns had grown ragged and gray. The jogging horses left behind their lazy feet a suffocating cloud.

“My land!” cried Mrs. Pike, “if that ain’t goldenrod! I do b’lieve it comes earlier every year, or else the seasons are changin’. See them elderberries! Ain’t they purple! You jest remember that bush, an’ when we go back, we ’ll fill some pails. I dunno when I ’ve made elderberry wine.”

Like her husband, she was vaguely excited; she began to feel as if life would be all holidays. At noon, they stopped under the shadow of an elm-tree which, from its foothold in a field, completely arched the road; and there they ate a lunch of pie and doughnuts, while the horses, freed from their headstalls, placidly munched a generous feed of oats, near by. Hattie and her mother accepted this picnicking with an air of apologetic amusement; and when one or two passers-by looked at them, they smiled a little at vacancy, with the air of wishing it understood that they were by no means accustomed to such irregularities.

“I guess they think we ’re gypsies,” said Hattie, as one carriage rolled past.

“Well, they needn’t trouble themselves,” returned her mother, rising with difficulty to brush the crumbs from her capacious lap. “I guess I ’ve got as good an extension-table to home as any on ’em.”

But Eli ate sparingly, and with a preoccupied and solemn look.

“Land, father!” exclaimed his wife, “you ’ain’t eat no more ’n a bird!”

“I guess I ’ll go over to that well,” said he, “an’ git a drink o’ water. I drink more ’n I eat, if I ain’t workin’.” But when he came back, carefully bearing a tin pail brimming with cool, clear water, his face expressed strong disapprobation, and he smacked his lips scornfully.

“Terrible flat water!” he announced. “Tastes as if it come out o’ the cistern.” But the others could find no fault with it, and Sereno drained the pail.

“Pretty good, I call it,” he said; and Mrs. Pike rejoined,—

“You always was pretty particular about water, father.”

But Eli still shook his head, and ejaculated, “Brackish, brackish!” as he began to put the bit in Doll’s patient mouth. He was thinking, with a passion of loyalty, of the clear, ice-cold water at home, which had never been shut out, by a pump, from the purifying airs of heaven, but lay where the splashing bucket and chain broke, every day, the image of moss and fern. His throat grew parched and dry with longing.

When they were within three miles of the sea, it seemed to them that they could taste the saltness of the incoming breeze; the road was ankle-deep in dust; the garden flowers were glaring in their brightness. It was a new world. And when at last they emerged from the marsh-bordered road upon a ridge of sand, and turned a sudden corner, Mrs. Pike faced her husband in triumph.

“There, father!” she cried. “There ’tis!”

But Eli’s eyes were fixed on the dashboard in front of him. He looked pale.

“Why, father,” said she, impatiently, “ain’t you goin’ to look? It ’s the sea!”

“Yes, yes,” said Eli, quietly; “byme-by. I ’m goin’ to put the horses up fust.”

“Well, I never!” said Mrs. Pike; and as they drew up on the sandy tract where Sereno had previously arranged a place for their tents, she added, almost fretfully, turning to Hattie, “I dunno what ’s come over your father. There ’s the water, an’ he won’t even cast his eyes at it.”

But Hattie understood her father, by some intuition of love, though not of likeness.

“Don’t you bother him, ma,” she said. “He ’ll make up his mind to it pretty soon. Here, le’s lift out these little things, while they ’re unharnessin’, and then they can get at the tents.”

Mrs. Pike’s mind was diverted by the exigencies of labor, and she said no more; but after the horses had been put up at a neighboring house, and Sereno, red-faced with exertion, had superintended the tent-raising, Hattie slipped her arm through her father’s, and led him away.

“Come, pa,” she said, in a whisper; “le’s you and me climb over on them rocks.”

Eli went; and when they had picked their way over sand and pools to a headland where the water thundered below, and salt spray dashed up in mist to their feet, he turned and looked at the sea. He faced it as a soul might face Almighty Greatness, only to be stricken blind thereafter; for his eyes filled painfully with slow, hot tears. Hattie did not look at him, but after a while she shouted in his ear, above the outcry of the surf,—

“Here, pa, take my handkerchief. I don’t know how ’tis about you, but this spray gets in my eyes.”

Eli took it obediently, but he did not speak; he only looked at the sea. The two sat there, chilled and quite content, until six o’clock, when Mrs. Pike came calling to them from the beach, with dramatic shouts, emphasized by the waving of her ample apron,—

“Supper’s ready! Sereno’s built a burn-fire, an’ I ’ve made some tea!”

Then they slowly made their way back to the tents, and sat down to the evening meal. Sereno seemed content, and Mrs. Pike was bustling and triumphant; the familiar act of preparing food had given her the feeling of home.

“Well, father, what think?” she asked, smiling exuberantly, as she passed him his mug of tea. “Does it come up to what you expected?”

Eli turned upon her his mild, dazed eyes.

“I guess it does,” he said, gently.

That night, they sat upon the shore while the moon rose and laid in the water her majestic pathway of light. Eli was the last to leave the rocks, and he lay down on his hard couch in the tent, without speaking.

“I would n’t say much to father,” whispered Hattie to her mother, as they parted for the night. “He feels it more ’n we do.”

“Well, I s’pose he is some tired,” said Mrs. Pike, acquiescing, after a brief look of surprise. “It ’s a good deal of a jaunt, but I dunno but I feel paid a’ready. Should you take out your hair-pins, Hattie?”

She slept soundly and vocally, but her husband did not close his eyes. He looked, though he could see nothing, through the opening in the tent, in the direction where lay the sea, solemnly clamorous, eternally responsive to some infinite whisper from without his world. The tension of the hour was almost more than he could bear; he longed for morning, in sharp suspense, with a faint hope that the light might bring relief. Just as the stars faded, and one luminous line pencilled the east, he rose, smoothed his hair, and stepped softly out upon the beach. There he saw two shadowy figures, Sereno and Hattie. She hurried forward to meet him.

“You goin’ to see the sunrise, too, father?” she asked. “I made Sereno come. He ’s awful mad at bein’ waked up.”

Eli grasped her arm.

“Hattie,” he said, in a whisper, “don’t you tell. I jest come out to see how ’twas here, before I go. I ’m goin’ home,—I ’m goin’ now!”

“Why, father!” said Hattie; but she peered more closely into his face, and her tone changed. “All right,” she added, cheerfully. “Sereno ’ll go and harness up.”

“No; I ’m goin’ to walk.”

“But, father—”

“I don’t mean to break up your stayin’ here, nor your mother’s. You tell her how ’twas. I ’m goin’ to walk.”

Hattie turned and whispered to her husband for a moment. Then she took her father’s hand.

“I ’ll slip into the tent and put you up somethin’ for your breakfast and luncheon,” she said. “Sereno ’s gone to harness; for, pa, you must take one horse, and you can send Luke back with it Friday, so ’s we can get the things home. What do we want of two horses down here, at two and ninepence a day? I guess I know!”

So Eli yielded; but before his wife appeared, he had turned his back on the sea, where the rose of dawn was fast unfolding. As he jogged homeward, the dusty roadsides bloomed with flowers of paradise, and the insects’ dry chirp thrilled like the song of angels. He drove into the yard just at the turning of the day, when the fragrant smoke of many a crackling fire curls cheerily upward, in promise of the evening meal.

“What ’s busted?” asked Luke, swinging himself down from his load of fodder-corn, and beginning to unharness Doll.

“Oh, nothin’,” said Eli, leaping from the wagon as if twenty years had been taken from his bones. “I guess I ’m too old for such jaunts. I hope you did n’t forgit them cats.”


First published in the August 1893 issue of The Century Illustrated Monthly Magazine and collected in Meadow-Grass: Tales of New England Life (1895).

Sunday, December 1, 2024

The Joy of Nelly Deane

Willa Cather (1873–1947)
From Willa Cather: Stories, Poems, & Other Writings

“I’m engaged, Peggy.” Illustration by Paul Julien Meylan (1882–1962) to accompany “The Joy of Nelly Deane” in the October 1911 issue of The Century Illustrated Monthly Magazine. Half-tone plate engraved for the magazine by Charles Wesley Chadwick (1861–1940). Image courtesy of the Willa Cather Archive.
“I expect I shall have to go to London again in the spring, but I am hoping to get home next summer, and to run out for a little visit with you,” Willa Cather wrote from New York to her Aunt Franc in Bladen, Nebraska, at the beginning of 1910. “The one this summer was such a satisfactory visit. It was the first time I’ve really seen you for years. . . . There is no place in the world where I can be so happy or rest so well.” As it happened, Cather wouldn’t make it to London that year, and she didn’t return to Nebraska until the summer of 1912. In the meantime, she published a story, “The Joy of Nelly Deane,” that perhaps not coincidentally features a narrator returning from Europe to visit the western prairie town of Riverbend, “the only place that had ever really been home to me.”

Cather had spent the previous fifteen years writing stories for national magazines, but she had doubts about her own talent and had become dissatisfied with her fiction. “I wanted to write after the best style of Henry James—the foremost mind that ever applied itself to literature in America,” she told an interviewer in 1921. “I was dazzled. I was trying to work in a sophisticated medium and write about highly developed people whom I knew only superficially. . . . I had been trying to sing a song that did not lie in my voice.”

After Cather began working at McClure’s in 1906, she found herself overwhelmed with editorial responsibilities, and during her early years at the magazine she wrote and published a handful of soon-forgotten stories. “She still was playing the sedulous ape to Henry James in matters of style and technique, character, subject matter, and theme,” confirms Cather biographer James Woodress. Then, in March 1908, she met Annie Fields and her companion, Sarah Orne Jewett, the renowned author of the story cycles Deephaven and The Country of the Pointed Firs. She visited the couple several times over the next few months, and Cather and Jewett corresponded during the following year. Three of Cather’s letters to Jewett have survived and the manuscripts are located among Jewett’s papers at Harvard. None of Jewett’s original letters to Cather are extant, however; we have only the edited (and probably abridged) texts of three of them because Fields published a selection of Jewett’s letters in 1911, two years after her death at the age of 59.

“The first three stories Cather wrote after meeting Jewett show the immediate impact of Jewett’s influence,” writes Sharon O’Brien, the editor of Library of America’s Willa Cather volumes. “Evidently, Cather’s receptivity to her mentor’s literary example grew along with their developing friendship.” Cather published the first story, “On the Gull’s Road,” in the pages of McClure’s soon after her stay in Boston. The narrator, an ambassador, recalls twenty years earlier when, returning from a diplomatic post in Genoa to New York, he fell in love with a fellow passenger, a dying woman in a loveless marriage to the ship’s engineer. Anticipating that Jewett wouldn’t care for the story, Cather appears not to have sent it to her; “I am afraid you won’t like it, dear Lady. The scent of the tube-rose seems to cling to it still,” Cather wrote in late October 1908, referring to the story’s romantic flourishes.

In the first decade of the twentieth century, one couldn’t hide a story in the pages of a magazine as popular as McClure’s, and Jewett soon came across “On the Gull’s Road” when she received her copy of the December issue. “With what deep happiness and recognition I have read the ‘McClure’ story,—night before last I found it with surprise and delight,” she wrote to Cather soon after the story appeared. “You have drawn your two figures of the wife and her husband with unerring touches and wonderful tenderness for her.” Yet Jewett gently if pointedly criticized Cather’s choice of narrator: “The lover is as well done as he could be when a woman writes in the man’s character,—it must always, I believe, be something of a masquerade. I think it is safer to write about him as you did about the others, and not try to be he! And you could almost have done it as yourself—a woman could love her in that same protecting way—a woman could even care enough to wish to take her away from such a life, by some means or other.” In a subsequent letter, Jewett expanded upon her remarks, and she urged Cather to leave the magazine and “find a quiet place” to focus on her writing; “your vivid, exciting companionship in the office must not be your audience.”

Jewett had told Cather that virtually all the background for her own stories derived from her childhood memories of South Berwick, Maine, so Cather had assumed she was more likely to enjoy her next story. Along with the letter that made light of “Gulls’ Road,” Cather enclosed a draft of “The Enchanted Bluff,” a sketch about six Nebraskan boys on a camping trip. After one of the boys relates the legend of the lost tribe of the Enchanted Mesa, they all imagine visiting the storied butte in New Mexico as soon as they are free to do so as adults. “I somehow think [it] might interest you a little—because it is different from the things you knew when you were a child,” Cather wrote to Jewett. “I make bold to send this scorned tale (Mr. McClure says it is all introduction) and I pray you cast your eye upon it in some empty half hour. It is about a place a weary long way from South Berwick.” Although her employer, S. S. McClure, rejected it for the magazine, the editor of Harper’s accepted it only weeks later and it appeared in the April 1909 issue.

We do not know if Jewett read the story or otherwise responded before she suffered a debilitating stroke in March; she died in June. During this period, Cather finished a third story, which was accepted by Century magazine that summer, and it would seem she had written it with her mentor very much in mind. “The Joy of Nelly Deane” notably features a first-person female narrator—something of a rarity in Cather’s oeuvre. In several ways, O’Brien points out, the story “shows the impact of Jewett’s legacy: not only does Cather dispense with her Jamesian voice in returning to Nebraska subject matter, but she also envisions creative power as female; the story’s heroine Nelly is a gifted singer. Jewett’s harmonious uniting of ‘woman’ and ‘writer’ in her life and work had helped Cather to integrate these seemingly opposed identities, and this reconciliation gave her new confidence and direction as a writer.”

Two years later, in May 1911, Cather visited Fields in Boston and spent a week surrounded by Jewett’s books and possessions. The following month she stayed with Jewett’s sister, Mary, at the family residence in Maine, where she sat at her mentor’s old desk and wrote letters to friends. Cather had not written a single work of fiction since Jewett’s death, but she had just quit her full-time job at McClure’s and would soon begin work on her first novel, Alexander’s Bridge. "I often recall what Sarah Orne Jewett said to me many years ago,” Cather later told a reporter in Nebraska. "Miss Jewett said a knowledge of the world was needed in order to understand the parish. When in big cities or other lands, I have sometimes found types and conditions which particularly interested me, and then after returning to Nebraska, discovered the same types right at home, only I had not recognized their special value until seen thru another environment.”

*   *   *
In late August 1910, after The Century Illustrated Monthly Magazine had accepted the story for publication, Cather wrote to the editor, Robert Underwood Johnson: “Would you be kind enough to change the title of the story which I recently shortened for you? The story never really had a name, and I think it was called ‘Nellie Deane,’ or ‘The Story of Nellie Dean’ provisionally. I think ‘The Flower in the Grass’ would be a good title for it. That is really the idea of the story; a beautiful girl hidden away in the prairie country where nobody ever saw her.” It is not known if there was a subsequent exchange about the story’s title; it appeared more than a year later, in the October 1911 issue, as “The Joy of Nelly Deane.”

Notes: The town’s performance of “Queen Esther” is of the early eighteenth-century oratorio by George Frederick Handel, Esther. “There is a Green Hill Far Away” is a hymn written in 1848 by Anglo-Irish poet Cecil Frances Alexander and sung to tunes by various composers. First published in 1874, “The Ninety and Nine” is a hymn by American gospel singer Ira Sankey, adapted from the poem “The Lost Sheep” (1868) by Scottish lyricist Elizabeth Clephane, based on the parable told in Matthew 18:10–14. Commonly known as “Washed in the Blood of the Lamb,” “Are You Washed in the Blood?” was published in 1878 by Presbyterian minister Elisha Hoffman. The translated quote about the merchants of Caesar is from Book I of Julius Caesar’s Commentaries on the Gallic War. Cather’s narrator, Margaret, compares the relationship between Nelly Deane and Scott Spinny to Jean de La Fontaine’s fable “The Grasshopper and the Ant,” in which the grasshopper spends the summer singing while the toiling ant piles up supplies for winter. Isinglass is a thin, transparent sheet of mica, or muscovite, commonly used for the side panels of wood stoves in the 1800s.

*   *   *
Nell and I were almost ready to go on for the last act of "Queen Esther," and we had for the moment got rid of our three patient dressers, Mrs. Dow, Mrs. Freeze, and Mrs. Spinny. . . . If you don't see the full selection below, click here (PDF) or click here (Google Docs) to read it—free!

This selection may be photocopied and distributed for classroom or educational use.

Sunday, January 22, 2023

The Bookkeeper’s Wife

Willa Cather (1873–1947)
From Willa Cather: Stories, Poems, & Other Writings

Hand-colored photograph, c. 1905–1910, from one of a series of postcards issued by Metropolitan Life to advertise its services. The caption reads “Metropolitan Life Insurance Co.’s Home Office Bldg. N.Y. City. Glimpse of the Filing Section. The largest outfit of steel filing cases in the world.” (Image from eBay)
In October 1917 Willa Cather made tentative arrangements with Century magazine to publish a thematically linked series of short stories, and she sent a letter about the matter to Ferris Greenslet, her editor at Houghton Mifflin.
The Century people begin the series “Office Wives” in January. They want the book rights also. I don’t imagine you will mind, as there is not much money in a book of short stories, and this series would not be ready for book publication until next fall. I told [Century editor Douglas Zabriskie Doty] I thought they could have the book all right, but I did not absolutely promise. At least, I don't think I did.
The stories would be ostensibly informed by Cather’s firsthand experiences in the business world. She had worked as an editor, columnist, and occasional business manager at Home Monthly in Pittsburgh; as the telegraph desk reporter and headline writer for the Pittsburg Leader, a daily newspaper; and, most significantly, as a staff member from 1906 to 1912 at McClure’s magazine, where she became the managing editor.

By the time she began working at McClure’s, Cather had published some three dozen stories (most of which would never be collected or reprinted in her lifetime), a book of poetry (she later destroyed all the copies she could get her hands on), and The Troll Garden, a collection of seven short stories that had impressed, among others, Sarah Orne Jewett. She had not yet finished a novel and, in December 1908, Jewett warned Cather, in a letter often quoted by biographers, that her writing career was “being hindered by such incessant, important, responsible work as you have in your hands now.” Cather’s background—her “Nebraska life, a child’s Virginia, and now an intimate knowledge of what we are pleased to call the ‘Bohemia’ of newspaper and magazine-office life”—were “uncommon equipment” for a writer, and Jewett urged Cather to leave her job and turn those experiences into the stuff of literature.

Cather had been hired after Ida M. Tarbell, Lincoln Steffens, and several other prominent staff members had walked out on publisher Samuel McClure, and she responded to Jewett:
What Mr. McClure wants is to make me into as good an imitation of Miss Tarbell as he can. He wants me to write articles on popular science, so called, (and other things) for half of each week, and attend to the office work in the other half. That combination would be quite possible—and, I fear, perfectly deadening. He wants, above all things, good, clear-cut journalism. The which I do not despise, but I get nothing to breathe out of it and no satisfaction.

Mr. McClure tells me that he does not think I will ever be able to do much at writing stories, that I am a good executive and I had better let it go at that. I sometimes, indeed I very often think that he is right.
Although the job kept her from writing fiction—Cather managed to finish only half a dozen stories while she was at McClure’s—another three years went by before she took Jewett’s advice, left the magazine, and became a full-time author, publishing her first four novels between 1912 and 1918. Nevertheless, her experiences as an editor doubtlessly improved both her writing and her confidence, not to mention her connections in the publishing world. “It is not nothing for a woman from the provinces in the West to exert power in the literary circles of the East,” writes Ellen Gruber Garvey in an essay about Cather’s magazine work. “Cather figured out what she liked and wanted to develop in her own writing by considering what she didn’t like in other people’s writing; she learned eventually to avoid the stock characters and visible plotting of much magazine fiction (and her own early fiction), while still absorbing what did occasionally appeal to her.”

Later in the decade, when she was between novels, Cather revisited Jewett’s suggestion to transform the “Bohemia” of the business world into fiction. In 1916, Century published “The Bookkeeper’s Wife,” her first story about the dynamic between women and men in the workplace. She then submitted two stories, “Ardessa” and “Little Annie,” for the proposed “Office Wives” series. Doty paid $350 for “Ardessa” but declined the other tale, telling Cather’s agent that it was too depressing to publish during the war. (It was accepted a year later by H. L. Mencken and published as “Her Boss” in The Smart Set.) The rough draft for a fourth story, “Explosives,” was submitted to Century but never appeared; the manuscript is lost and all we have is its rather suggestive title. Cather then gave up on the series; Woodress speculates that she was simply too busy finishing her next novel, My Ántonia, to give “Office Wives” the attention it deserved, but her enthusiasm for the collection may well have been tempered by the tepid reception of the last two stories.

The very title for the series, “Office Wives,” seems to have been a subtle act of provocation; of the five working women featured in Cather’s three stories—stenographers, typists, clerical workers—only Stella Bixby, “the bookkeeper's wife,” is married. (It would be another decade before Faith Baldwin’s best-selling novel The Office Wife and its mildly scandalous pre-Code movie adaptation popularized the term.) Cather explores the ways in which working women and their male supervisors mirror, in a distorted fashion, the domestic arrangements between wives and husbands. Ardessa, for example, is “like a sultan’s bride” in her exalted position as secretary to a magazine editor; when she is demoted and transferred to a new department, she becomes a “bartered bride.” The stories depict how the freedom and independence available to women in the workplace are still limited by their dependence on and subservience to men. “Through these female characters, Cather avoids the formulaic fantasy of popular stories of New Women and instead presents a realistic portrait of many an urban working woman’s experience,” writes Amber Harris Leichner in an article for Cather Studies. “Ultimately, Cather’s office stories are pessimistic about clerical work as a means for urban women to accomplish something more individually meaningful than an economic independence that may prove temporary.”

Notes: A Floradora pompadour is the hairstyle of the six “Floradora Girls” featured in the popular musical comedy Floradora (1899) by Leslie Stuart and Owen Hall. First performed in England, it opened in New York on November 10, 1900, ran for more than 500 performances, and was frequently revived.

For more on Cather’s relationship with S. S. McClure and her employment at his magazine, see the introduction to “The Enchanted Bluff,” a previous Story of the Week selection.

*   *   *
Nobody but the janitor was stirring about the offices of the Remsen Paper Company, and still Percy Bixby sat at his desk, crouched on his high stool and staring out at the tops of the tall buildings flushed with the winter sunset, at the hundreds of windows, so many rectangles of white electric light, flashing against the broad waves of violet that ebbed across the sky. . . . If you don't see the full selection below, click here (PDF) or click here (Google Docs) to read it—free!

This selection may be photocopied and distributed for classroom or educational use.

Sunday, August 30, 2020

The Circus at Denby

Sarah Orne Jewett (1849–1909)
From Sarah Orne Jewett: Novels & Stories

“My sakes alive, ain’t he big!” Drawing by American artist Marcia Oakes Woodbury (1865–1913), who with her husband, the painter Charles Herbert Woodbury, illustrated the 1893 Riverside Press edition of Deephaven.
From the day Deephaven first appeared in 1877, Sarah Orne Jewett insisted that her book’s eponymous town was entirely a product of her imagination. A brief preface admitted that some readers of the tales appearing previously in The Atlantic Monthly had “asked if Deephaven may not be found on the map of New England,” to which Jewett answered, “while there is a likeness to be traced, few of the sketches are drawn from that town itself”—a town she declined to name.

She repeated this claim for the next four decades in letters to readers, editors, and critics. “Deephaven is not the result of careful study during one ‘summer vacation,’ as some persons have thought,” she wrote to one reader the year after the book was published, “but I could write it because it is the fashion of life with which I have always been familiar.” Sixteen years later, she doubled down in a new preface for a specially illustrated gift edition. By then, an entire range of seaside villages had been suggested as the model for the community her readers refused to believe wasn’t real. “Portsmouth and York and Wells, which were known to the author, Fairhaven and other seacoast towns, which were unknown, were spoken of as the originals of this fictitious village which still exists only in the mind,” she wrote.

In this abbreviated list, Jewett buried the name of the town most of her neighbors and readers had in mind: the coastal resort of York and nearby York Harbor, a little over ten miles to the southeast from her home in South Berwick. Despite her later denials, she admitted the connection in letters sent to various friends while she was writing the original tales that she would later reassemble and expand into the novel. To Horace Scudder, an editor who had published some of her early children’s stories, she wrote:
I have only been down to the Shore half a dozen times and only for the day, which doesn’t count with me. But I am going down directly to spend a week, and then I know where to go for those clams and where to get an old dory with as many leaks as a basket, and I know where the cunners hold county conferences out in the harbour, where two other little boys and I caught a hundred and thirty in just no time at all one day last summer. This is all in York which reminds me of my dear Deephaven though that was ‘made up’ before I had ever stayed overnight in York, or knew and loved it as I do now. Since “The Shore House” [the first Deephaven tale to appear in The Atlantic] was written I have identified Deephaven with it more and more. Still I don’t like to have people say that I mean York when I say Deephaven.
Later that year she wrote to Theophilus Parsons, a retired Harvard law professor she had befriended, “I wish it were in October and that I had just come home from York. I am out of the spirit of Deephaven life.” Moreover, her attempts to disguise the inspiration for the book’s location didn’t fool one of her idols. Shortly after publication, she received a letter from John Greenleaf Whittier, who read the book three times and gave copies to several friends. “I hear thy little book everywhere praised. The hotels & boarding houses of ‘Old York’ ought to give thee & thy friends free rooms, from this time henceforth, for there will be half thy readers going to ‘Deephaven.’”

Setting aside the lack of mystery surrounding the book’s coastal Maine inspiration, Deephaven is much more than a novel about a place; it is about the community of people who populate and visit it. Shortly after it was published, Parsons wrote to praise the book but criticized Jewett for not including more “moralizing.” Jewett responded that she might have done so for a different kind of book—but not for this one. “I like best to have the moral in the story—to make the character as apparent as I can, as one feels instinctively the character of the people one meets.” Her intention was “to look at ‘commonplace’ lives from the inside instead of the outside—to see that there is so deep and true a sentiment and loyalty and tenderness and courtesy and patience—where at first sight there is only roughness and coarseness and something to be ridiculed.”

The roughness and coarseness of her subdued realism was often ignored by later critics, who instead focused on the tender (but rarely sentimental) and the courteous. Like many nineteenth-century works of “local color” written by women, Deephaven suffered unfairly from a reputation established by scholars during the advent of modernism in the 1920s. In a “historical survey” of the short story, for example, Fred Lewis Pattee (“the first Professor of American Literature”) named Jewett one of the “reactionary influences,” an author who “recorded only the things lovely and of good report” and “free from the harsh and the harrowing”—judgments that perhaps say more about Pattee’s selective memory of the stories than about the stories themselves.

Yes, Deephaven recounts the often enchanting and sometimes idyllic summer vacation of two young and somewhat naïve women who visit the town to, as they put it, “remove ourselves from society and distractions.” Nevertheless, as Richard Cary pointed out in his 1962 reappraisal that both directly rebutted Pattee’s assessment and helped reintroduce Jewett to American readers, the women’s enjoyment of their carefree vacation is often directly challenged or offset by Jewett’s depictions of some of the area’s more hapless residents and ramshackle settings, including “the emaciated outskirts of Deephaven; the distressing squalor of the circus; the shabby, hopeless careers of the Kentucky Giantess and the pitiable lecturer”—all of which can be found in just one of the selections, “The Circus of Denby.”

According to biographer Paula Blanchard, Jewett often took the short trip to Dover, New Hampshire, to go to the annual summer circus, “a treat she continued to enjoy occasionally well into middle age.” We can assume, then, that the extravaganza in Dover (almost certainly P. T. Barnum’s Circus) was a whole sight better than the dilapidated outfit passing through her fictional town of Denby. The two young vacationers excitedly reserve a day for the trip, in the company of the vivacious Mrs. Kew, a Deephaven resident who lives with her husband in a lighthouse on a harbor island. Toward the end of the day, the three women meet the “Kentucky giantess,” one of the more lamentable sideshow attractions. The second part of the story describes another form of small-town entertainment, a “free” lecture given by a young man—but the event is anything but a success. Literary scholar Robert L. Horn ties together the two seemingly disparate episodes: The circus employee and traveling lecturer, both outsiders alienated from their audiences, “are not isolated by space and time from the wider world, as the people of Deephaven are, but rather wander through it aimlessly, carrying their isolation within them, because they refuse to face the reality of what they are.”

Note: Chester White refers to a large white pig breed that originated in Chester County, Pennsylvania, in the early 1800s.

*   *   *
Kate and I looked forward to a certain Saturday with as much eagerness as if we had been little school-boys, for on that day we were to go to a circus at Denby, a town perhaps eight miles inland. . . . If you don't see the full selection below, click here (PDF) or click here (Google Docs) to read it—free!

This selection may be photocopied and distributed for classroom or educational use.

Monday, September 2, 2019

The Passing of Sister Barsett

Sarah Orne Jewett (1849–1909)
From Sarah Orne Jewett: Novels & Stories

“ ‘I guess your friends will stand by you,’ said Mrs. Crane.” Illustration by Canadian artist Henry Sandham (1842–1912) for Jewett’s story when it appeared in the May 1892 issue of Cosmopolitan.
Near the end of 1891 William Dean Howells, the influential books columnist for Harper’s Monthly and former editor of Atlantic Monthly, agreed to assume the co-editorship of Cosmopolitan. Working with John Brisben Walker, the magazine’s millionaire owner who had rescued the publication from bankruptcy two years earlier, Howells planned to do “something for humanity as well as the humanities,” elevating the magazine’s contents from its current fare of light fiction and household tips. The circulation for Cosmopolitan had skyrocketed under Walker's oversight to a quarter of a million and would nearly double again in the next three years, and the huge national audience—combined with the outlandishly extravagant salary offered by Walker—convinced Howells to take the job. “Unquestionably Mr. Howells will be a greater power than ever in the radical wing of American literature,” wrote one reporter. Unfortunately, his progressive attitudes toward literary and social writing clashed with Walker’s commercial interests, not to mention the millionaire’s headstrong and unpredictable personality, and Howells quit after only a few months at the helm.

Before Howells resigned, however, he had invited pieces from several top-notch authors whose bylines would probably have otherwise never graced its pages—and who were convinced not only by the addition of Howells’s name on the masthead but also by the exorbitant rates Cosmopolitan paid its contributors. He directed one of his first letters to Sarah Orne Jewett, whom Howells had introduced to a national audience when, twenty years earlier, he published several of her earliest tales in the Atlantic. Howells had just reviewed her latest story collection for his Harper’s column, praising “Miss Jewett’s New England studies [for] not only the delightful mood in which these little masterpieces are imagined, but the perfect artistic restraint.” When he wrote to Jewett, he urged her to send him “the very first sketch” she finished and reminded her that the owner was not “meeching about the pay.”

It’s a curious word, meeching; it is scattered throughout Jewett’s stories and novels, and it has a variety of meanings. A New Dictionary of Americanisms, published in 1902, tells us, “This word, which is a true archaism of very respectable lineage, still survives in New York and New England, in sense of skulking, sly, sneaking, or underhand.” It can also refer variously to someone who is falsely humble or who complains in private or (as Howells uses it) who deceitfully claims to be poor or ill. In Jewett’s world, biographer Paula Blanchard notes, “Meeching people run out on their responsibility to God, themselves, and their community, and because they feel guilty about it they are a fairly noisy bunch.”

Blanchard points to the title character of “The Passing of Sister Barsett” as “a meecher of real distinction”—although Jewett doesn’t use the word in the story itself. (Coincidentally, it’s the story that Howells published in Cosmopolitan.) When two women receive news of Sister Barsett’s death, they launch into a stream of disparaging gossip against the dearly departed woman who was “the first to have all the new diseases that’s visited this region.” It turns out that both Sarah Ellen Dow, the disgruntled nurse who had been single-handedly caring for Sister Barsett, and Mercy Crane, a well-to-do widow whose staunches her loneliness by accosting passers-by for conversation and news, have plenty to say about their meeching neighbor.

*   *   *
Mrs. Mercy Crane was of such firm persuasion that a house is meant to be lived in, that during many years she was never known to leave her own neat two-storied dwelling-place on the Ridge road. . . . . If you don't see the full selection below, click here (PDF) or click here (Google Docs) to read it—free!

This selection may be photocopied and distributed for classroom or educational use.

Saturday, May 12, 2018

The Town Poor

Sarah Orne Jewett (1849–1909)
From Sarah Orne Jewett: Novels & Stories

Interior of a Farm House in Maine, 1865, oil on canvas by American artist Eastman Johnson (1824–1906). Image: The Athenaeum.
Five years after Sarah Orne Jewett wrote “The Town Poor,” which appeared in the July 1890 issue of the Atlantic Monthly, she received a letter from her friend Frances Morse, who was active in social work and who helped establish Associated Charities of Boston.* The selection was a work of fiction, but Morse knew that Jewett’s stories often had their foundation in the author’s personal experiences and communal dealings in Maine, and she decried the treatment doled out to two elderly sisters who had been forced to live through a winter in the unheated attic of a stranger’s farmhouse.

Jewett responded that “there is nothing exaggerated about the story.” In nineteenth-century New England, when families or individuals became homeless or reliant on charity, towns would put them up for auction to nearby residents willing to provide room and board in exchange for a monthly stipend; whoever offered the lowest bid would win the auction. The host families were frequently poor themselves and the meager funds provided by the town were more often added to the household’s already strained resources than used to care for the boarders.

The method of auctioning the poor supplemented the more customary practice of housing the indigent in group homes or farms, and it was a solution that might be expected to encourage abuse. Yet Jewett reassured Morse that, in theory, “the system is far better” than county farms in remote locations, noting that two such overcrowded, ramshackle institutions had been ravaged recently by “dreadful” fires. Jewett argued that at least the auction system and local group homes usually kept the poor close by, where their care can be better supervised. “You put your finger on the cure,” she concluded, “when you wish for women visitors and inspectors, especially in country neighborhoods.”

Jewett’s story, however, documents when this system went awry, in this case both because the home is ill-equipped to board the two elderly Bray sisters and because the “weather-beaten, solitary farmhouse” is in a secluded, hardscrabble location. Furthermore, what is often overlooked (even by the two visiting women in the story) is that the “town poor” includes Mrs. Janes, who is given responsibility for the “unwelcome inmates” while her husband—who receives the money—is usually away. As Paula Blanchard notes in her biography of Jewett, “the blame for the Bray sisters is spread around among church, neighbors, and town government, but the largest share lies with men and male institutions,” particularly the sisters’ father, a deacon who spent so much on his church that he failed to provide for his daughters. As literary scholar Josephine Donovan summarizes, Jewett’s fiction presents “a vision of a supportive community of women, sustained by a kind of matriarchal Christianity, and by traditions of women’s lore and culture.”

* The letter is quoted in Paula Blanchard’s Sarah Orne Jewett: The World and Her Work.

Notes: As the story begins, the two women have just come from the “installation” of a new minister at the church. A leghorn hat (page 725) is made from plaited straw, so named because the finest straw came from Livorno (Leghorn) in Tuscany (click here to see a sample from the period). The term meeching (page 727) is local dialect and can mean meek or self-effacing, often in a negative sense, or sly and sneaking. “The text about two or three being gathered together” on page 732 is Matthew 19:20 (“For where two or three are gathered together in my name, there am I in the midst of them”).

*   *   *
Mrs. William Trimble and Miss Rebecca Wright were driving along Hampden east road, one afternoon in early spring. . . . If you don't see the full selection below, click here (PDF) or click here (Google Docs) to read it—free!

This selection may be photocopied and distributed for classroom or educational use.

Friday, May 26, 2017

Decoration Day

Sarah Orne Jewett (1849–1909)
From Sarah Orne Jewett: Novels & Stories

Illustration used in back cover advertising for White Smith & Co. sheet music. The drawing first appeared as a black and white etching in the mid-1870s and was hand-tinted later in the century for use when the company began publishing color covers. A list of the company’s recent publications would appear underneath the commemorative artwork.
Three years after the Civil War ended, in 1868, General John A. Logan—the head of the Grand Army of the Republic, an organization of Union veterans—established that May 30 should be set aside as Decoration Day, so-called from the tradition of decorating graves with flowers. More than five thousand participants gathered for the first Decoration Day in Arlington National Cemetery and lavished flowers and flags on some twenty thousand graves, and similar events took place in cemeteries all over the country. The commemoration spread more widely in subsequent years and by the 1880s the day was known in some places as Memorial Day, which over the course of the next century became the more common designation. It was only in 1968 that the federal government passed the law that, beginning in 1971, officially shifted the date to the last Monday in May.

On the morning of Decoration Day, in either 1889 or 1890, Sarah Orne Jewett wrote from her home in South Berwick, Maine, to her friend and companion Annie Fields in Boston about the events planned for that day:
There is going to be an unwonted parade in honor of the day and I am glad; for usually everybody trots off to Dover or Portsmouth and nothing is done here except to put the pathetic little flags about the burying-grounds. It seems to me that I have just begun to understand how grown people felt about the war in the time of it,—at any rate it brought tears to my eyes yesterday when John said that over two hundred men went from this little town to the war. You can see how many young sons of old farmers, and how many men out of their little shops, and people who had nobody to leave in their places, went to make up that number.
This “unwonted parade” almost surely inspired Jewett a couple of years later to write “Decoration Day,” in which a small group of aging Civil War veterans convinces the residents of their small Maine rural village to host a long-overdue procession honoring the local residents killed in the war.

After Jewett included the story in her collection A Native of Winby, the reviewer for The Writer singled it out as “one of the best stories that she has ever told,” and the poet John Greenleaf Whittier similarly wrote, just before his death, that the tale “was one of her very best.” In 1895 Jewett boasted to a reporter that the story had “kept its hold surprisingly and is making part of the exercises of the day this year.” And according to a handwritten note in a friend’s edition of A Native of Winby, Jewett later told a neighbor in Boston that “if she were remembered by any of her stories, she should be glad if it might be this one.”

In the last century, however, the opinions of critics have been decidedly mixed. When Willa Cather was assembling a 1925 edition of Jewett’s best writings, she belittled it as a “conventional magazine story” and recalled a conversation with Jewett two decades earlier. “When I told her that ‘Decoration Day’ to me seemed more like other people’s stories, she said with a sigh that it was one of the ones that had grown old-fashioned.” Cather convinced the editor at Houghton Mifflin not to include it in the volume.

Some of Jewett’s biographers have likewise dismissed the story as “sentimental.” But during his life the late Jewett scholar Richard Cary argued that the story is one of her finest—and by far the strongest of the many holiday-themed tales she published in magazines. The story “defines the pathos of short-lived gratitude,” Carey wrote, and Jewett “prevents pity from turning maudlin through an unexpected deliverance or a bracing touch of comedy.”

Note: On page 778, Jewett mentions the Wilderness, referring to the Overland Campaign, a series of battles in Virginia during May and June 1864, including the Battle of the Wilderness (May 5–7) in the Spotsylvania area measuring about twelve by six miles known locally as the Wilderness for its dense woods and undergrowth.

*   *   *
A week before the thirtieth of May, three friends—John Stover and Henry Merrill and Asa Brown—happened to meet on Saturday evening at Barton's store at the Plains. They were ready to enjoy this idle hour after a busy week. . . . If you don't see the full selection below, click here (PDF) or click here (Google Docs) to read it—free!

This selection may be photocopied and distributed for classroom or educational use.

Friday, August 12, 2016

The Enchanted Bluff

Willa Cather (1873–1947)
From Willa Cather: Stories, Poems, & Other Writings

“He led us into marshes and stubble fields.” Detail from illustration by Howard E. Smith, engraved by F. A. Pettit to accompany Cather’s story when it appeared in Harper’s Magazine. Click on the image to see the full illustration.
Willa Cather’s debut story collection, The Troll Garden, appeared in 1905 and attracted the attention of the editor S. S. McClure, who convinced her to move from Pittsburgh to New York City and work at his magazine. McClure was notoriously difficult to work for; the job was offered to her when much of the staff, including the popular writers Ida Tarbell and Lincoln Steffens, quit in protest and established a competing magazine. Nevertheless, Cather accepted the position and eventually became the managing editor. She moved into a Washington Square apartment building that was also home to Edith Lewis, whom she had met three years earlier in Nebraska, and the two women would live together until Cather’s death four decades later.

The years at McClure’s were both rewarding and grueling; she proved a perfect foil to her boss’s temperament and was even the ghostwriter of his 1914 autobiography. McClure admitted to his wife, “The best magazine executive I know is Miss Cather.” But the long hours made it difficult for Cather to attend to her career as an author. The novelist Sara Orne Jewett, an admirer of her first book, warned, “I cannot help saying what I think about your writing and its being hindered by such incessant, important, responsible work as you have in your hands now. I do think it is impossible for you to work so hard and yet have your gifts mature as they should. . . . Your vivid, exciting companionship in the office must not be your audience.”

Lewis, who left a job at another publisher to join Cather at McClure’s, described life at the magazine as “working in a high wind” in which magazine cofounder S. S. McClure was the “storm center.” In the 1953 memoir Willa Cather Living, she recalled that Cather managed to write and publish several short pieces of fiction but felt that none of them “reached the level of the best stories in The Troll Garden”—with one notable exception:
. . . in 1909 she wrote a brief sketch which she called “The Enchanted Bluff,” and sent it to Harper’s Magazine. This slight narrative, so unlike anything she had written heretofore, was like an excursion into the future, a tentative foreshadowing of what was to come. It was as if she had here stopped trying to make a story, and had let it make itself, out of instinctive memories, deep-rooted, forgotten things. It was almost like a song without words—so little was it written, so little was set down on the page; just the talk of some young boys around a camp fire at night; yet it was curiously impressive in its suggestion of an intense experience.
At the center of “The Enchanted Bluff” is the legend of the lost tribe of the Enchanted Mesa, the famous 430-foot-high sandstone butte in New Mexico. Like the boys in her story, Cather had been fascinated by the legend since she was a child but had never visited the region. Finally, in 1912, she and Lewis stayed in the Southwest for several months—and they would return again and again for many years. Cather would re-use the legend of the lost tribe in two of her novels: once in the “Tom Outland’s Story” section of The Professor’s House (1925) and again in Death Come for the Archbishop (1927).

Notes: The Divide mentioned on page 65 is the tableland in southern Nebraska between the Republican and Little Blue rivers. On pages 67–68 the boys share bits of knowledge culled from both classroom texts and popular children’s magazines, such as Golden Days for Boys and Girls. In 1492 Columbus observed during his voyage that the ship’s compass varied as compared to the position of the North Star and realized that this was due both the variation of magnetic north from true north and from the movement of the North Star relative to the surface of the earth. In addition, because of the precession of the earth’s axis, the star identified as the North Star has changed over the millennia. A number of sources posthumously claimed that Napoleon—a believer in signs and omens—told them he was guided to military glory by a lucky star.

*   *   *
We had our swim before sundown, and while we were cooking our supper the oblique rays of light made a dazzling glare on the white sand about us. . . . . If you don't see the full selection below, click here (PDF) or click here (Google Docs) to read it—free!

This selection may be photocopied and distributed for classroom or educational use.

Friday, August 28, 2015

A White Heron

Sarah Orne Jewett (1849–1909)
From Sarah Orne Jewett: Novels & Stories

Great Egret, 1821. Watercolor, graphite, pastel,
gouache, white lead pigment, black ink, and
blackchalk on paper by John James Audubon .
This painting was not included by Audubon in
Birds of America. Image courtesy of New-York
Historical Society website.
In the mid-1880s, after the Atlantic Monthly turned down Sarah Orne Jewett’s newest story, her longtime champion William Dean Howells (who had resigned from the magazine’s editorship a few years earlier) explained that it might have been rejected because tastes had changed in favor of realism. “Mr. Howells thinks that this age frowns upon the romantic, that it is no use to write romance any more,” Jewett wrote to her friend and companion Annie Fields, “but dear me, how much of it there is left in every-day life after all. It must be the fault of the writers that such writing is dull, but what shall I do with my ‘White Heron’ now she is written? She isn’t a very good magazine story, but I love her, and I mean to keep her for the beginning of my next book.”

As one scholar speculates, “The Atlantic editors probably did not know what to make of this work of fantasy from a normally down-to-earth local color realist. But the story is much more than a simple fantasy.” Confident of the story’s worth, Jewett kept her word and used it as the opening selection—and title story—of her next book. Her instincts proved correct; readers were universally delighted, and nearly every contemporary reviewer of the book singled out “A White Heron” for praise. The popular writer Mary Wilkins Freeman was moved to send a fan letter, admitting “I never wrote any story equal” to it. The critic for the Overland Monthly exclaimed that the story “is perfect in its way—a tiny classic. One little episode of child-life, among birds and woods makes it up; and the secret soul of a child, the appeal of the bird to its instinctive honor and tenderness, never were interpreted with more beauty and insight.” And perhaps most ironically, the reviewer for The Nation praised the collection yet pointedly found in this so-called romance “no breath of romanticism or taint of literary sentimentality.”

In recent decades “A White Heron” has found new life as feminist scholars have “rediscovered” Jewett’s writing and reconsidered the story’s themes. Numerous theorists point out that it mimics and then subverts the old-fashioned fairy tale, in which the arrival of a princely figure—a “friendly lad, who proved to be most kind and sympathetic”—challenges a young, sheltered girl to reassess her place in the world.

All of which explains why this rejected magazine submission remains Jewett’s most celebrated story, ubiquitous to this day in literature anthologies and on classroom reading lists.

Note: The term bangeing was New England dialect for idling, loafing, or taking advantage of another’s hospitality.

*   *   *
The woods were already filled with shadows one June evening, just before eight o’clock, though a bright sunset still glimmered faintly among the trunks of the trees. A little girl was driving home her cow, a plodding, dilatory, provoking creature in her behavior, but a valued companion for all that. . . . If you don't see the full selection below, click here (PDF) or click here (Google Docs) to read it—free!

This selection may be photocopied and distributed for classroom or educational use.